Des Rajahs Diamant (German Edition)

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Mark Anton Pfeiffer of Lemberg, 7 who was twenty-four years older than Ida. Ida bore him two sons ; a daughter died in infancy. Not only the difference in age but the husband's career, which fell on bad times, troubled the relationship. Ida was forced to help feed the family herself, for example by giving piano lessons, and she often returned to Vienna, whether in the company of her husband or alone, until in the couple separated and Ida remained in Austria.

Pfeiffer continued to live mostly in Lemberg, while she managed the education of her sons in Vienna. In , Ida accompanied her son Oscar later a talented musician to Triest, where her first encounter with the sea reawakened her eagerness for travel. When the sons were old enough to be independent, in , at the age of forty-five, she began her first extended trip, to Palestine.

Although her intention had always been to travel to the Holy Land, Ida boarded a ship down the Danube, telling family and friends she was going to visit an acquaintance in Constantinople. From there, she reached Jerusalem,. Ida joined some male tourists in Palestine and, when they asked if she could ride a horse, she gamely climbed on the animal's back - her first riding experience - and galloped off.

If the introduction to riding was somewhat abrupt, the facility she acquired would be useful in the Indies.


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Ida's first travel diary soon attracted the attention of a Viennese publisher. After she had obtained the consent of her family including that of her distant husband, as law and propriety required to publish, her Reise einer Wienerin in das Heilige Land Voyage of a Viennese woman to the Holy Land appeared in two volumes in , under her initials, and from the fourth edition in her own name.

In , she travelled again for six months to Iceland and Scandanavia. That travel diary appeared in , by which time she was well-known, at least in Vienna. Almost immediately, she undertook her first world tour, which took her to Brazil, then to China she travelled to Canton disguised as a man so she could observe life in China firsthand, if only briefly and on to Singapore, India, Iraq, Persia, and Russia she simply ignored the repeated advice that the Central Asian route would be too dangerous , returning to Vienna in November That a woman chose to travel for the sake of travelling was curious enough.

As mentioned, Mrs. Pfeiffer was not wealthy and could not really pay her way. During her trip to Iceland, she began collecting specimens of plants and animals. She soon learned that Vienna's museums, those of other cities or private collectors would pay for her objects : animals, plants, minerals, and items of ethnographic interest.

Ida was not trained as a scientist she herself insisted repeatedly on this fact , but she learned how to collect, catalogue, and conserve her specimens - from her second world trip alone. Some of these, including Bornean shrimps, slugs, and beetles, bear the name "idae" or "pfeifferi" in her honor. Her travels, writings and collections brought her into contact with well-known explorers and naturalists of her day, among them the scholar Alexander von Humboldt of Berlin, do. Only in March did Ida begin her second world trip, which would take her to the Indies.

Before leaving for this journey, Ida spent six weeks in London, visiting the World Exhibition and other sights, but also preparing for collecting and sightseeing during the trip itself. Among others, she met. London otherwise took little notice of her, but soon after her departure the literary weekly Athenaeum published reviews of her Scandanavia book and the first world tour, which had now appeared in English translation see bibliography.

When she arrived in Capetown, South Africa, budget limitations forced her to cancel plans to visit the interior of Africa. Buying a wagon and animals for transport, in addition to other expenses, would simply cost too much. Instead she boarded a ship for Singapore, paying the captain only three pounds sterling, the cost of her food alone In Singapore, she lodged for the second time with the Behn family, of the trading house of Behn, Meyer and Co. Ida finally had to abandon her plan to visit Australia, because the gold rush there had sent prices skyrocketing.

Instead, she seized the opportunity to head for Sarawak on an English sailing vessel. Rajah James Brooke himself was not in Kuching when she arrived, but his caretaker, his nephew James Brooke Johnson, who had taken the surname of his uncle and was known as "Brooke Brooke", received her with great courtesy. After the Indies, the trip continued to parts of North and Central America, and finally back to Vienna in Her final excursion, begun in May , took her first to Mauritius, then to Madagascar, where she and her companions aroused the ire of the queen, who expelled them by a circuitous route, exhausting and dangerous.

By this time, Ida was very sick, probably from a recurrence of malaria contracted in Sumatra. Canceling a plan to continue to Australia, she broke off the trip. She finally reached Vienna in September , and she died the following month. Her final work, Reise nach Madagaskar, in two volumes, appeared only in Ida's reputation grew with her publications, many of which also appeared in translation.

Von Humboldt sponsored her honorary membership the first for a woman in the Berlin Society for Geography. During a visit to Berlin in she received a gold medal for arts and sciences from the King and Queen of Prussia. Members of the Royal Geographical Society in London provided a stipend of twenty pounds for her last voyage. Ida seemed to have been respected more in foreign society than in her own Vienna. Only in were Ida's remains were transferred to a place of honor in Vienna's central cemetery.

After decades of disinterest, her writings have been republished and recently, as mentioned, a number of secondary works have appeared. Ida had been a tomboy, and she traveled on her own, but she was hardly a model of emancipation. Her travel costume neatly combined practical pants and a skirt on top ; she often had to remove her sensible shoes to march barefoot over slippery ground, but in a photograph taken in Vienna she retreats behind a ruffled bonnet, very much the proper Biedermeyer lady of her times, although a globe in the background hints at her wider experience see illustrations.

Nevertheless, her confidence, curiosity, and self-reliance led her to rage at the ignorance of some of the women she met in her travels, especially the wives of local headmen, not to mention her annoyance with the unwillingness of some of her male guides for example Brooke's man, who accompanied her to Pontianak 51 , or the guides provided in South Sulawesi ,.

She especially hated getting a late start, which forced the party to walk in the heat of the day, but she failed to impress these guides and bearers, who preferred to begin the day with a leisurely breakfast and a smoke, with the need for an early departure. Ida's Travels in the Indies.

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Travel in the s was time-consuming and subject to capricious delays. Although faster and more comfortable steam-driven vessels were available for longer stretches, they were more expensive, and Ida usually journeyed by sailing ship. Often she spent weeks waiting for the chance to move on, sometimes, as seen, completely changing her plans when an opportunity arose.

Sometimes, as in Bengkulen, rough seas prevented her ship's landing at a destination. On the other hand, in the Indies, she could depend on local European inhabitants for hospitality, information, and advice although she did not always take it. Beside colonial officials, these hosts included missionaries, and her "German countrymen", some of them businessmen or doctors in colonial service.

Native rulers were also hospitable and sometimes they volunteered to accompany her. In gratitude for their assistance, she dedicated her book to the Dutch in the Indies, especially the administrators and military officers who had helped her so much, "with deepest gratitude". Pfeiffer 's travels in the Indies in the s followed soon after the decision by the Netherlands to expand and consolidate its rule over the entire Archipelago. To obtain help from colonial. Her first tour took her from Sarawak, on foot and by small boat to Pontianak, then by sea to Sambas, after which she returned to Pontianak.

Captain Brooke as Sarawak's acting ruler tried to dissuade her from her plan to cross the island to Pontianak, but in the end he provided her with a boat in which, in January , she left Kuching for Iban country along the Batang Lupar River.

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At Skrang Fort the commander, Alan Lee who was killed in a skirmish with Ibans the following year 21 , after additional attempts to discourage her, lent her a boat and boatmen, also sending along his cook, who conveniently spoke a little English she later became conversant in Malay Ida soon reached territory not yet pacified by the Brookes and repeatedly heard warnings about ongoing warfare between upriver tribes.

In spite of these symbols of violence, apparently threatening situations soon became friendly welcomes. The Dutch had not yet established their claim to the territory she was now traversing, but they soon would. Ida was able to continue her journey by boat through the lakes to the Kapuas River, stopping overnight at the Malay principality of Sintang. Three and a half days from there, she arrived at Pontianak, where the astonished Dutch received the unexpected visitor.


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  • The wife of Resident TJ. Wilier invited her to be a houseguest, while others helped her visit the diamond mines of Landak She was also able to make a side excursion to the Chinese gold miners of the Lanfang Kongsi in Mandor On this trip not a native but a Chinese guide exasperated her. Lanfang was considered friend-. Resident Wilier himself was in Batavia in connection with the war with the kongsis, but he returned before her departure. Although he had his hands full with the question of how to deal with the intransigent Chinese and how to deal with Batavia, which soon fired him , Wilier found time to impress Ida as a competent administrator.

    He may have been the one who warned Ida that she could expect little from the Dutch in Batavia, leaving her apprehensive about her welcome in the capital. Ida found time to visit Sambas, to the north of Pontianak, and the then deserted coastal settlement of Pemangkat 27 before she left the island. In Sambas, Assistant Resident R. Finally, she caught a ship for Batavia on May After a week's journey, she reached the capital. In the end Ida found people in that city both hospitable and cooperative. The German traders in Batavia provided her with a ticket for free passage on government steamships in the Archipelago, while colonial officials were interested and helpful.

    Here and later, they advised on sights to see or to avoid, but Ida often ignored that , and arranged boats, horses and guides as necessary. Some helped catch specimens for her collection. The main goal of the Sumatra excursion was, after a visit to Minangkabau. Furthermore, at least since Marsden's History of Sumatra, 29 if not earlier, the Batak who lived in the uncolonized territory had the reputation of being cannibals.

    Raffles had encouraged them to undertake that arduous journey, but a sudden, serious illness of one of them led them to turn around after reaching the valley of Silindung. Because heavy seas prevented her landing in Bengkulen, Padang was Ida's first stop on the Sumatra journey. The route from there to Bukittinggi, then called Fort de Kock, was easy enough to traverse. Along the way were places to change horses every few miles, a contrast to conditions when Raffles had traveled from Padang to Minangkabau territory in , when every rainfall had turned creeks into impassible gushing waters and rest houses were simple huts.

    On her way to Bukittinggi Ida found ample time to enjoy the scenery and to add to her store of bugs and butterflies. West Sumatra in displayed both wealth and poverty, the former in Kota Gedang "beautiful and prosperous" with its lovely carved and painted houses, Bonjol on the other hand was quiet and unimportant, much of its land uncultivated , probably a legacy of the Padri War, the effects of which Raffles had also observed. The trip to Batak country, which began on August 5, led from Padang Sidempuan on horseback to Sipirok, where the Dutch had a coffee purchasing station under an Indonesian supervisor, and then out of Dutch territory and on foot, more or less along the Batang Torn River and through the valley of Silindung.

    Two Batak headmen or "rajas" each accompanied her for part of the trip to act as translators and to assure her safety. At each village or huta along the path, they also had to negotiate for permission to cross through village territory. Her strongest impression of the Bataks was that they lived in filth. Still, the villages provided hospitality for a night or two, and villagers complied with her wish to see their dances.

    They even mimed, at her request, the "dance" for the execution and consumption of a villain. She greatly enjoyed these performances, which included a sword dance that closely resembled the one she had seen in Dayak country , just as many artifacts, to her eye, resembled those of the Dayaks.

    As the party continued through the Silindung Valley, receptions became more and more hostile. Finally, her party found itself surrounded by spear- bearers and their rajas, who made every effort to frighten Ida, showing by gestures their intent to cut her throat and chew up her arms. Ida displayed her mettle by confidently patting their leader on the shoulder Batak leaders, she tells us, were often six feet tall and Ida was a small woman.

    Then she announced, with her customary bravado, in a broken mixture of Malay with a few words of Batak, "You wouldn't kill and eat a woman, at least not one who is as old as I am, whose flesh is already dry and tough". With humor on her side, she won the moment A few miles on, however, the Bataks strictly refused to let her continue. With only one mountain range to cross, she offered to leave all others behind and go on to Lake Toba alone, but they were not to be budged.

    She must have been in the neighborhood of present-day Tarutung when she had to give up. Reluctantly, and with a lingering suspicion that her own guide might have encouraged the Bataks to refuse her passage because he himself wanted to turn back, Ida crossed the Silindung Valley by a different route and regained Padang Sidempuan on August As a consolation, the Bataks assured her that she had come farther than any other European ever had. After that arduous excursion, she spent some time traveling in Minangkabau, for example to Payakumbuh, where she joined a German medical doctor and amateur botanist in climbing Mt Merapi to view its crater.

    Again, Ida used the excursion to add to her collections. Unlike Raffles, who was delighted to find this proof of the existence of a Hinduized Malay kingdom there, Ida seems unaware of the settlement's illustrious past. On October 7 she was again in Padang, ready to catch the steamer for Batavia. The Sumatra adventure had left her with a greatly expanded collection, now enriched with many kinds of fish and marine life, and another story to tell, but also with a recurring malarial fever.

    In the end, Ida covered " Paal [roughly miles] on horseback and on foot " in Sumatra, much of the latter along rough, barely passable paths. The second stay in Java took Ida to Semarang, to Borobudur, and to Yogyakarta and Surakarta, where the respective rulers granted her an audience, and a sacred white turtle came out to greet her she carefully preserved one of its offspring in alcohol In Grobogan, she learned of the terrible famine of When this was communicated to Batavia by some individuals, the resident of Semarang stoutly denied that there was a problem, and an estimated , persons died before the government finally sent help.

    She remarks with bitter irony :. Couldn't they have easily and quickly sent off a dependable official to report on the actual situation? Three years later, the area still appeared "sad and dark" Arriving in Surabaya Ida did not hesitate to take passage for Makassar, where she arrived in December, just as the rainy season began. Since this made travel to the interior of Sulawesi impossible, Ida promptly boarded a steamer for Banda. She and the other passengers arrived there on Christmas Eve, only to find that the island, with its beautiful harbor overlooked by Gunung Api, had suffered an earthquake and devastating tidal wave only four weeks before.

    Most of the houses, as well as thousands of nutmeg trees, had been destroyed. Ida promptly continued on to Ambon, stopping only briefly before she boarded a ship for Ceram to realize her goal of meeting the "Alforese" or Alifuru, the people of the interior. That they were also known to be headhunters reinforced her interest. Unfortunately for Ida's curiosity, these people were extremely shy, avoiding contact even when she entered their villages. Finally, a native official regent agreed to accompany her and succeeded in getting some of the people to come out of hiding and show her their houses, their trophy skulls, and bones of wild boars they had taken.

    At first the young people acceeded to Ida's wish to see the dance performed when heads were successfully taken, but their elders intervened, believing it would be bad luck. To compensate for this, the raja demonstrated the way his warriors hunted their enemies, with a dramatic pantomime of a headtak- ing. In reality, the fierce reputation of the Alifuru disguised a life in fear of attack and, apart from occasional headhunting, they were "harmless". Returning to Ambon, she caught a steamer to Ternate, where she met the sultan and saw more dances. In general, she found "Malay" dances too slow-moving, but the Dayak sword dance performed in Sarawak won her acclaim.

    Soon she was en route to her next destination, landing in Kema in Minahasa, northern Sulawesi. In Kema, Ida made her first acquaintance with Dutch and German missionaries. She undertook a number of excursions to scenic areas like " wild, romantic " Lake Tondano, staying with other missionary families along her way. Minahasa's villages appeared pretty and clean, the houses well kept. The natives here were also "Alforese" but Ida found they neither resembled those of Ceram, nor were they headhunters. About a third were Christians, the rest "pagan". Critical of the activities of missionaries in India, China or Persia, Ida had great praise for the work of those in Minahasa, not least because they stayed put, not trying to cover great territories as itinerant preachers, whose message was forgotten as soon as they were out of sight.

    They lived simply, close to the people, and often took native boys or girls into their families, the former to be trained as teachers the government did not subsidize their. The arrival of a steamer for Makassar cut short the stay in Menado. From Makassar, Ida hoped to visit the local rulers of the kingdoms of Bone, Goa and Sidenreng, who were allied with the Dutch but otherwise autonomous, as well as to travel to the mountains, where she hoped to find more "uncivilized" people, this time "cave-dwellers" presumably Toraja.

    The governor only gave permission to visit Goa and Sidenreng, because Dutch relations with the other groups were not good. On April 17, she set out on horseback for Maros, where rains forced her to stop over with the assistant resident Count Bentheim for several days. He provided her with an interpreter who knew some Dutch, in addition to the guide the governor had provided.

    Ida tried to resist this "courtesy", which the officials obviously hoped would keep her out of trouble. Since she was traveling by horseback, each accompanying person would require an additional mount, not to mention horses for her one coolie and for the two coolies each of her guides. When they left the horses and went by boat, larger transports would be needed. Not only did this make the logistics of travel more difficult than if she were traveling alone or with one or two persons, the men again seemed unwilling to take orders from her and even sabotaged her attempt to continue to the mountains to see the "cave-dwellers" Nonetheless, Ida was able to progress from Makassar and Maros, Pangkajene, Mandale, Segeri, Tanete where a queen reigned , Barru where another, youthful queen underwent tooth-filing , Pare-Pare, and Sidenreng, and on to Lagusi on the Cenrana River in Wajo territory, again under a queen.

    The inhabitants of the Kingdom of Wajo Lagusi , a trading, peaceful people, prefer to be governed by queens ; they say that their rule is less warlike, more honest and quieter than that of the men She accepted the hospitality of the petty rulers, but she also expressed her distaste at the dirtiness and disorder of most of their simple thatched "palaces" one was "barn-like" and at the bad food she was usually offered.

    Some of her hosts were curious about her background, and the ruler of Pare-Pare was genuinely interested in her information about Europe, asking about her "sultan" and even expressing the wish to purchase her travel books if they were in his language , but the ignorance of some of the women exasperated her. Back in Surabaya, Ida suffered from recurrence of the fever contracted in Sumatra, and had to curtail her excursions, but she did see the city's sights and those of the harbor, including the kampungs of the natives and Chinese.

    A simple wedding and an elaborate, days-long marriage celebration honoring a wealthy Javanese bride and groom she wondered at their immobility and at the lack of conversation among the guests completed her experiences in Java Returning to Batavia, she was able to secure free passage on a ship for San Francisco, and her second world trip resumed in the New World.

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    The Indies in Ida's View. Ida's journey was certainly remarkable, but what was the content of her account? To what extent did she report what she experienced and observed, or was she simply fitting her experiences to the ideas and stereotypes of others? Geraldine saves him and arranges that servants of Florizel capture the club members. The second story in the cycle is set in the Latin Quarter of Paris where an American tourist finds himself embroiled in a dastardly plot. Scuddamore is lured away by a beautiful young lady who promises a secret assignation but fails to appear. Returning to his hotel dejected he is shocked to discover a dead man in his bed.

    Kindly neighbour Dr. Noel arranges for Scuddamore and the body concealed in a Saratoga trunk to be smuggled to London in the company of Prince Florizel. The third and final story in the cycle is set in the gas-lit streets of Victorian era London where a retired British soldier looks for adventure. In the story, former Lieutenant Brackenbury Rich is beckoned into the back of an elegantly appointed Hansom by a mysterious cabman who whisks him off to a party.

    There the host continuously assesses his various guests and asks them to depart until only a handful are left. The host then reveals himself to be Colonel Geraldine and invites Rich to join him on a secret mission. They travel to a discreet location where Prince Florizel, with the assistance of Dr.

    Noel, has finally ensnared the President of the Suicide Club. The Prince challenges the President to a duel to the death and emerges victorious. Footage from this film was later edited into Dr. Terror's House of Horrors Footage from this film was later edited into Curse of the Stone Hand Adaptation entitled The Ace of Deat h. Since the s, the coconut oil extracted from it had been used in soaps, while in the next decade it became an ingredient for the manufacture of candles. An increasing demand for these products in Europe made copra, which could be easily produced by drying coconuts, a much sought-after commodity Masterman In the s, cotton trade also held out alluring prospects.

    In the United States, the Civil War had caused production to drop sharply. Initially the company prospered. He set up a branch in Apia in Samoa to engage in the trade in cotton, copra and other tropical products. Soon the company was buying up land in Samoa for its own plantations and began to expand its activities to other Pacific islands.

    Weber carved himself out a key role in local Samoan politics in the closing decades of the nineteenth century.

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    He used political as well as economic means to advance his own interests, those of the company he represented, and those of his fatherland. Gently he did not proceed. To escape annexation by Germany, Samoan chiefs offered their islands to Washington and London; anything they considered better than coming under German rule. Fred Hennings was the first of the siblings to have come to the islands.

    He settled there in , at a time when, as a minute presented by the German ambassador in London, G. Propelled by the activities of such firms, German business interests spread in the Southern Pacific from Samoa and Fiji, where the Hennings brothers became the representatives of the Godeffroy firm, to Tonga, the New Britain Archipelago, and the Caroline and Marshall Islands. One bone of contention was landownership.

    Conflicts over land, attributable to the different perceptions of ownership of land, were virtually endemic everywhere the trading companies and private individuals bought land. Diametrically opposed to the European concept of individual ownership was that of the Islanders who believed that land was communally owned. Islanders sold land to Europeans without consulting or informing others who were also entitled to it according to customary law of shared ownership. It was not uncommon that a number of different Islanders sold the same piece of ground to more than one foreigner.

    In Fiji, British since , the situation was equally complicated and confusing. Labour in the Southern Pacific was a scarce commodity. On the larger island groups such as Samoa and Fiji, where foreigners had established cotton, coconut and sugar cane plantations, agricultural workers had to be brought in from the outside. The same had to be done in Australia. Especially in Queensland was the demand for labour so high that a steady influx of the Pacific Islanders was necessary to keep the sugar cane estates running.

    Between and , around 62, labourers from the Pacific islands were shipped to Queensland to work its estates Scarr Control over island groups meant control over their labour forces, which could be recruited for the plantations where a constant demand for labour persisted. One of the regions on which attention focused was the New Britain Archipelago, to the north of New Guinea.

    As in Samoa, the German presence here was strong. In the early s, its islands had become one of the major labour-recruiting regions for German estate owners. The inroads caused by other labour traders, especially those from Queensland was execrated. Occasionally, the competition over the labour traffic turned violent. When a vessel from Queensland tried to recruit labour in his territory, apart from trying to convince the Islanders that they would be roasted and eaten in Queensland, he fired shots at the Queensland crew, who replied by setting fire to his hut The Argus , Predictably it was the other who was to blame for the maltreatment of Pacific Islanders.

    Germans levelled the accusation that the labour agents and estate owners in Queensland were engaged in a traffic which was not much different from slave trade, and suggested that the Islanders preferred German plantations near their home islands to those in distant Queensland von Koschitzky II, In Australia it was maintained that only British rule could be beneficial to the Islanders. Domestic unrest also posed a danger to the life and property of the foreign landowners and traders, providing the latter with an additional motive to invite foreign intervention or to take matters into their own hands to restore law and order.

    The first place where this was to happen was Fiji. Before the British intervened in , Fiji had been the scene of rampant endemic war and disorder. After he had succeeded his father as Paramount Chief of Bau in , Cakobau proclaimed himself as King of the whole of Fiji.

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    Beyond the borders of Bau his claim was not recognized. Initially foreign settlers thought that by siding with Cakobau they could strike it rich. Afterwards, Governor A. In June of that year, he proclaimed a constitutional monarchy encompassing the whole of Fiji. The cabinet and Legislative Assembly were controlled by Western settlers. The Fiji Times of 29 July, , left no doubt about this:. Scarr More importantly, the cotton market collapsed, disorder ruled as before, and former rivals of Cakobau contemplated rising against him again. Shortly after the problems over land titles had arisen on Fiji, the German and British empires fell out over control over Samoa, a hub of trans-Pacific trade and in those days, about three-days voyage away from Fiji.

    Germany, accentuating its preponderance in the island group, wanted to control Samoa, either as a colony or as a protectorate; London, in order not to disturb relations with the settlers in New Zealand and Australia, could hardly assent to this. The annexation of Fiji by Great Britain, brought into play an element of security as well: the prospect of an uncontested enemy naval base close to a British possession.

    The aim was to secure more land with a clear title, at least with a title recognized by their local ally whom they had eased into power, and besides this, more generally, an advancement of their own commercial interests and those of their compatriots. It was not only the British and Germans—and to a lesser extent the French—who acted in this way in Samoa. Americans had actually shown the way.

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    Meade, by concluding a treaty with the High Chief of Pago Pago had secured its port as a coaling station for the United States. Meade, moreover, had given some of the chiefs the impression that their territory had come under American protection. His promises did not eventuate, nor did the coaling station materialize for a long time. The first arrangements for this were made only in At that time, finally the main foreign contestants in Samoa had established clear legal procedures for the purchase of land from the Islanders.

    The delay cost the American government dearly. Steinberger, to Samoa on a fact-finding mission. After having sailed back to the United States to report to his government, Steinberger returned in Samoa for a second visit in Claiming that he was still a representative of the United States, he set out to restructure Samoan politics and to transform Samoa into a constitutional monarchy along Western lines. The heads of the two lineages were to serve alternately as king for four years. The first to assume royal status was Malietoa Laupepa of the Malietoa lineage.

    Steinberger himself assumed the post of Prime Minister. The new political system seems to have been welcomed by the Samoans, whose well-being Steinberger was said to have at heart, but its reception among the settlers was less enthousiastic Masterman Some of them suspected Steinberger of special dealings with the Godeffroy firm. In the civil war that was to follow, the two bodies could initially count on American support and sympathy; the Germans and Britons tended to side with the deposed king. In return Malietoa Talavou had to accept that much of the executive authority of his government now fell into foreign hands.

    Plans were worked out, according to which the Minister of Justice was to be an American, the German community was to provide the Minister of Finance, and the position of Minister of Public Works was to be filled by a Briton. All three were to be paid by the Samoan government, but selected by their respective consul.

    The system, worked out by the consuls, had as fleeting life, as neither Washington nor London could assent to such a deep involvement in the administration of Samoa as that with which their consuls had come up Koschitzky II, ; Gilson Nevertheless, the three foreign communities did obtain a share in the administration of city of Apia, the major foreign settlement on Samoa, which, in times of civil war, had to be recognized as neutral territory. In Apia and its hinterland came under joint British, American, and German and Samoan administration, the three consuls forming the municipal board.

    Among his first tasks was to root out any resistance against Tamasese which might still linger. In August, at a moment when there were no American or British war vessels moored at Apia and at the time when in Washington representatives of the three powers were discussing the future of Samoa, the Germans in Samoa acted. Using putative insults to the Kaiser as an excuse, war was declared on Malietoa Laupepa. Tamasese was supplied with guns and money by Weber. With German backing, he became the new king. Laupepa was sent into exile by the senior German naval officer present.

    The first Western prime minister made his appearance during the reign King David Kalakaua. Commencing his reign in as someone who was known for his pro-American sympathies, within a decade King Kalakaua begun to distance himself from the United States. In he sent his ambassador in the United States, H. Carter, on a tour through Europe, where he also visited the Foreign Office in The Hague, to plead with its governments to halt any further annexation of islands in the Pacific.

    The mission addressed itself to the intentions of the European nations in the Pacific, above all those of Germany, Great Britain, and France. Simultaneously it was part of a campaign to weaken the strong position that Americans and the United States had attained in Hawaii. He also dreamed about a key-role for himself in the wider Pacific. Gibson had been impressed by the writings of the Australian journalist Charles St.

    It only reaped trouble for King Kalakaua. In June , when a rebellion by foreign residents threatened and a company of armed men marched on the palace, King Kalakaua had to give in. He allowed for changes in the Hawaiian constitution, which would curb his powers and increase the say of the foreign residents in the running of the kingdom even more. Queen Liliuokalani was a remarkable person. Besides being a poet and composer, among her other hobbies was the writing of Hawaiian songs, including the well-known Aloha Oe.

    She also had a sense of humour, which may not have been easily understood in Victorian days. Her intention to continue the Hawaii-centred policy of her late brother did not exactly run parallel with his conviction that Hawaii had to become part of the United States. Three days later they formed a provisional government and dethroned Queen Liliuokalani. It was chaired by Stanford Ballad Dole, a lawyer and at the time of the revolt a member of the Supreme Court. He also assumed the posts of President and Minister of Foreign Affairs. Among those who spoke out in favour of the new government was the Dutch Consul, J.

    Annexation is repugnant to the feeling of every native Hawaiian, as well as many foreigners. Annexation is not necessary for the ends of policy or civilization or commerce or security. Probably no city can show a record so free of crime of all kinds. For almost a year, he had urged Washington to take control over Hawaii in one or another way.

    It was he to whom the Committee of Safety turned for support when it planned to take over the government of Hawaii. He responded immediately and still the same day, 16 January, ordered the occupation of Honolulu by marines from warship Boston, anchored in its harbour. No pretence was kept up that they came to protect American life and property.

    The troops did not bother to march to the American consulate or to the residential area where the foreigners were living. They occupied a quiet town, where there were no signs of unrest or disorder. On 19 January, a delegation of the Provisional Government left Honolulu for Washington to discuss a treaty of annexation. It was agreed upon by the American government on 14 February and transmitted to the Senate the following day. A change in government in Washington put a spoke in the wheel.

    In December , the new President, Grover Cleveland, withdrew the draft treaty from consideration. In strong language, he condemned what had happened in Hawaii, in January. Although Cleveland toyed with the idea of restoring the monarchy in Hawaii he was unable to force the Provisional Government to resign.

    Becoming part of the United States now being out of the question, it proclaimed the Republic of Hawaii in July A few years later, when expansionist feelings had gained ground and with William McKinley in the White House, the Spanish-American War tipped the scales. In July , the United States annexed Hawaii. In Samoa was partitioned. The United States received the eastern part, Germany took possession of western Samoa. Great Britain withdrew. He acted more in the spirit of James Brooke, being an advocate of bringing civilization to the Samoans without destroying their own culture.

    They were lured to the region, or tried to convince others to participate in their business ventures, by exaggerated expectations and portrayals of the natural richness and the prospects of economic exploitation of the islands where they settled. Nevertheless, they represent two different types of stranger-rulers. They received their concessions, and the titles that went with them, through negotiations.

    They were successful in this because the other party was weak. In James Brooke was handed over control over his tract of land by the uncle of the Sultan of Brunei as a reward for helping to suppress a rebellion.


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    It may well have been that the Sultan saw in Brooke an instrument with which to keep his Sultanate intact, a person who could prevent further uprisings from occurring. James Brooke was drawn into a divided society. The Sabah story is not much different. Business interests provided the prime motivation for the intervention, and it is hardly likely that in , when Alfred Dent and Overbeck negotiated their concession, the Sultan of Brunei was in a stronger position than he had been some thirty-five years before.

    A similar remark can be made about the second person whom Dent and Overbeck contacted in order to secure their concession, the Sultan of Sulu. He was fighting for the survival of his sultanate, and would soon be subdued by Spain. Steinberger, Theodor Weber, and John L. Stevens, are less likely candidates for such a treatment. The difference in title already suggests a different approach to indigenous culture and society. The setting is also different. Brooke and Overbeck wanted to start business ventures in regions where hardly any Europeans or Americans had yet set foot.



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