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Get it as soon as Mon, Jul Only 2 left in stock - order soon. The frequency of German convoys increased. The last, from the camp at Drancy, left the Gare de Bobigny on 31 July For decades the French government declined to apologize for the role of French policemen in the roundup or for any other state complicity. It was not for the Republic, therefore, to apologise for events that happened while it had not existed and which had been carried out by a state which it did not recognise.
The claim was more recently reiterated by Marine Le Pen , leader of the National Front Party , during the election campaign. On 16 July , the President, Jacques Chirac , stated that it was time that France faced up to its past and he acknowledged the role that the state had played in the persecution of Jews and other victims of the German occupation. The president recognized that this event was a crime committed "in France, by France," and emphasized that the deportations in which French police participated were offenses committed against French values, principles, and ideals.
He continued his speech by remarking on French tolerance towards others. Yes, it's convenient, but it is false. We cannot build pride upon a lie.
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Macron did make a subtle reference to Chirac's apology when he added, "I say it again here. It was indeed France that organized the roundup, the deportation, and thus, for almost all, death. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. University of Nebraska Press. Le Point. Archived from the original on Presses Universitaires du Mirail.
Archived from the original on 29 June Retrieved 16 September The New York Times Company. Retrieved The Washington Post. Retrieved 17 July The Guardian. A few manage to get themselves transferred to hospital this may prove to be only a temporary respite. Once space in the transit camp has been cleared again, the families in the stadium are transported there. Until the trains take them, too, to their final destination. Thursday 16 July , Paris.
Drancy camp, next stop en route to Auschwitz. None of the children came home. It gave the lie to the official explanation, that the Jews who were being interned were heading to labour camps in the east. And the sight of it, for some witnesses at least, and for some of those who escaped the net this time, was a catalyst that led to resistance.
But the process had started well before that July morning. The process had begun with rhetoric, feeding on the anti-semitism that was so strongly present in French politics. The Dreyfus affair which had divided the country had been concluded with the full exoneration and restoration of military honours to Captain Dreyfus less than forty years earlier. Dreyfus himself died in , and members of his family fled to the Unoccupied zone from Paris when the Occupation began. His granddaughter, Madeleine Levy, was a member of the Resistance, who was arrested in and murdered in Auschwitz.
The anti-Dreyfusard contingent had continued to be active in nationalist and often explicitly anti-semitic politics and the Occupation gave them their opportunity.
From the very beginning of the Occupation, anti-Jewish sentiment was nurtured, rewarded and disseminated. Exhibitions were held using stereotypical images of Jews, and portraying a narrative of covert networks of Jews controlling the financial sector and influencing political decision making. In our own time there has been a resurgence of this narrative, purveyed by both the far right and by the left, invoking, for example, George Soros and the Rothschild dynasty. This kind of propaganda was not new to the French.
The anti-Dreyfus press used such caricatures and stereotypes to attack both Dreyfus personally, and by extension all Jews.
Rescue of Jews in France 1940–44: The Jesuit Contribution
Those ideas rose in prominence through the publication of caricatures showcasing Jews attempting to disguise themselves as non-Jews, Jews being portrayed as world dominators, and manipulators of finance and politics. The Nazi message was in itself therefore not radical or shocking. And to a nation reeling after a sudden and unequivocal defeat, the handy provision of a scapegoat was, to some at least, very welcome.
The propaganda went hand in hand with the implementation of a range of measures designed to say to all Jews, whether French citizens or immigrants, that they were not at home.
Speech by the President of the Republic Emmanuel Macron at the Vel d’Hiv commemoration | Élysée
It was all done incrementally — Jewish businesses had to declare themselves with posters in the windows, Jews had to register at the police station, Jews could only travel in the last carriage on the Metro, Jews could only shop between certain hours of the day, Jews could not go to the cinema or the swimming baths, Jewish businesses had to be owned by an Aryan, Jews were barred from an extensive list of professions, Jews could not attend University, Jews had to wear a yellow star sewn securely on to their coats… Every step led closer to the transit camp, the cattle truck, the death camp, but by stealth.
How strange a thing it is, he thought, the way you comfort yourself when it comes to loss. You turn away from it, show it your back, face and embrace what you still have. When we had to sell our gold I thought, ah well, we can always buy more gold, as long as we have the wagon and the horses and can still travel, then we will be fine. Then they stopped us travelling and burnt our wagon and I thought, well, we still have one horse and we can build a cart, and we have a roof over our heads. Then they took the bundles from us as we stood in line on Registration Day and I thought, well, we have the clothes we stand up in.
When we got here, they took those. They even took the hair from my head. I thought, at least we are together in the same camp. So many people have been separated from their families. Now my family are kept from me, even though they are a few metres away. The Jews of France — many of them, at least — accommodated themselves stage by stage with the restrictions that were placed upon their freedoms.
Until the round-up, the transit camp, the cattle truck, the death camp. Because each new restriction was designed to say to them, whether they were French for generations or new arrivals, you are not at home, can never be at home here. The round-ups went on, right to the bitter end. As Allied troops were fighting their way through France after D-Day, Jews were still being arrested, herded into cattle trucks and deported to their deaths.
Evadé du Vel' d'Hiv
Helene Berr and her parents, French for generations, were arrested in March The knock on the door came the following morning. They were broken, physically and mentally. They were changed, utterly. The deportees, these living shadows, these walking skeletons, with that distant, lost look in their hollow eyes, their air of being from a different world, when one saw them appear, one dared not offer flowers. They returned to find that they were alone, that everyone they cared about had perished.
They returned to the place where neighbours and colleagues had watched them be rounded up, or beaten up, or had denounced or betrayed them, and where their apartments and belongings had long since been appropriated either by the occupying forces, or by those neighbours and colleagues.
And often they were faced with the indifference, lack of understanding or even hostility of those around them. I began this piece by explaining why, on Holocaust Memorial Day each year, I often focus on this particular bit of history, on what happened in France during the years of Nazi Occupation. Anti-semitic rhetoric, racist language, xenophobia, are all more prevalent today than for a long time. As we leave the community of Europe behind that risk is too great to ignore.
As the hard right targets Muslims and Eastern Europeans, and invokes George Soros as a hate figure, whilst the left invokes the Rothschilds and a worldwide Zionist conspiracy, we have to speak out.
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Britain is home to people from all over the world. It always has been. It must continue to be. We must never contemplate with equanimity the idea that anyone whose home is here might fear a knock on the door, might be interned indefinitely awaiting deportation, might be sent back to somewhere where their life is at risk because of their politics, their religion, their sexuality.
The Jews of France registered without much protest when required to do so. They could not see where this path was leading. We know. First time I went to Paris, I started noticing the plaques.
Instead they were, as often as not, recording the fact that someone whose name is not otherwise known fell here, during the Liberation of the city from its Nazi occupiers. Or that someone whose name is not otherwise known lived here until they were deported by the French police and handed over to the Nazi occupiers, because they were Jewish. I became mildly obsessed. Without a camera phone at that time it was that long ago and having gone out unarmed with notebooks, I searched when we got home for information and found an amazing website which aimed to record all such plaques, with a photograph and a brief note about the person or event commemorated.
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Sadly, that has disappeared now. So when we went back, I set myself the task of photographing every WWII related plaque that we passed on our travels, and finding out what I could about the background. What follows is an account of what we found — it captures only so very few of the commemorative markers, only those which happened to be on the routes we chose for our walks, those which we spotted, unobscured by scaffolding or parked vans, those which I could get close enough to photograph. The plaque is generic, one of many installed in the early s at schools some of whose pupils had been deported during the Occupation.
It makes specific reference to the number of schoolchildren deported from the 10th arrondissement, but nothing about this school in particular.